Sistema de comércio global moderno inicial

Relações econômicas entre a Europa e o mundo: dependência e interdependência.
Publicado em Erschienen: 2012-05-31 & # 160; & # 160;
Este artigo esboça os primórdios e tendências centrais no desenvolvimento dos laços econômicos entre a Europa e regiões fora da Europa de 1450 a 1950. O foco está na crescente diversidade e volume de bens trocados e no enriquecimento recíproco de culturas materiais entre os continentes. Desta forma, o artigo cria uma imagem vívida do surgimento do mercado global e dos primórdios da competição global. Ele também procura identificar as forças motrizes centrais por trás dos sucessivos períodos de intensificação do comércio e interação do final da Idade Média ao período moderno. Por fim, este estudo descreve a crescente interconexão das regiões econômicas do Oriente e do Ocidente, bem como a interdependência das duas.
Inhaltsverzeichnis Tabela de Conteúdos.
Tendências gerais no desenvolvimento.
O comércio desempenhou um papel mais central no período mercantilista da história européia de 1500 a 1750 & # 8211; às vezes referido como capitalismo inicial ou capitalismo comercial & # 8211; do que em quase qualquer outro período. 1 Devemos começar com as questões: Quando na história humana ocorreu a primeira troca de bens entre a Europa e os outros quatro continentes da África, Ásia, América e Austrália? Onde estão as origens do que poderíamos descrever como uma troca permanente, como as relações econômicas estabelecidas podem ser encontradas? Essas questões se referem a um contexto global ainda maior porque o edifício econômico global mudou fundamentalmente da "proto-globalização" para a globalização. 2 Esse processo foi determinado principalmente pela Europa do século XV ao XX. Do século 16 até 1914, o comércio dentro da Europa em todos os tempos constituía a parte mais significativa do comércio global, e o volume desse comércio cresceu desproporcionalmente rapidamente durante o período moderno e no período moderno. 3 Os mercados nacionais tornaram-se cada vez mais interconectados, impulsionados por inúmeras inovações nas áreas de infra-estrutura, transporte, fornecimento de energia e & # 8211; não menos importante, # 8211; instituições (regras, constituições, divisão do trabalho, padrões monetários, etc.). A transição da produção individual para a produção em massa e a convergência dos preços de bens e materiais facilitou consideravelmente as transações, acelerando assim a integração.
Começando no final da Idade Média, o mais tardar e continuando pelo menos até o século 19, a Europa dominou a maioria dos desenvolvimentos no comércio internacional. A partir do final do século XIX, a América do Norte começou a exercer uma influência mais forte na economia global. 4 Por volta do início do século 21, os estados asiáticos & # 8211; mais notavelmente China & # 8211; Ganharam influência e os EUA tornaram-se financeiramente dependentes de seus credores da Ásia Oriental, enquanto a China parece se tornar o motor do crescimento do atual século.
A Europa torna-se cada vez mais central desde o final da Idade Média.
No início do último milênio, o movimento populacional e o cultivo de novos territórios aumentaram como resultado das cruzadas e da expansão da população de língua alemã para o leste. Em 1500, havia cinco cidades na Europa com população superior a 100.000: Veneza, Gênova, Nápoles, Milão e & # 8211; como o único exemplo ao norte dos Alpes & # 8211; Paris.
As razões pelas quais a Europa foi capaz de obter uma vantagem econômica significativa sobre os outros continentes durante o início do período moderno são de natureza complexa. Inicialmente, terra & # 8211; como o recurso mais importante & # 8211; desempenhou um papel central, levando os proprietários a se engajarem na expansão territorial para obter a posse de mais terras. Além disso, a distribuição de terras era um método eficaz de garantir a lealdade dos vassalos. Nas sociedades arcaicas da Europa Central e Oriental, onde a baixa densidade populacional significava que a migração e a inovação raramente eram necessárias, essa forma de propriedade da terra persistiu por um longo tempo, sobrevivendo até o século XIX em alguns casos. Em regiões relativamente densamente povoadas & # 8211; particularmente na Europa Ocidental, onde o cercamento de terra tornou-se cada vez mais comum, mercadorias e conhecimento eram frequentemente trocados, muitas vezes através das fronteiras. Os principais estados do continente europeu geralmente se mostraram abertos a inovações. Isso se aplica tanto às inovações tecnológicas quanto às comerciais, sendo estas últimas originárias da Itália. 5 O termo "revolução comercial" é freqüentemente usado para descrever esse processo. 6
Um argumento freqüentemente avançado para explicar a posição única da Europa entre os continentes é a heterogeneidade cultural e econômica de seus estados. Migração e comunicação foram os verdadeiros fatores aceleradores da história européia. A mistura específica de cidades-estados (italianas), principados, bispados, reinos, etc., e a concomitante intensificação da competição inter-regional aceleraram o desenvolvimento em direção à modernidade. A "incongruência permanente" dos fatores econômicos, políticos e culturais explica a dinâmica competitiva do continente.
O sistema avançado de educação e a institucionalização inicial de centros de formação e produção artesanal e industrial precoce também desempenharam seu papel. A liberalização do comércio, do artesanato e do trabalho industrial, bem como o surgimento da democracia parlamentar, forneceram uma base essencial para a geração de crescimento econômico, que foi acompanhada desde o século XVIII por um impressionante crescimento populacional. A busca incansável de novos conhecimentos, que era uma característica central do humanismo moderno e da iluminação, deu ao Velho Continente uma aparência inconfundível.
Durante o período do antigo governo, os Países Baixos possuíam a rede de estradas mais eficiente e mais abrangente de todos os países da Europa Ocidental. 7 Desde o final da Idade Média, o aumento do comércio internacional tornou necessária uma rede internacional de informação e comunicação. Como mediadores entre mundos, os comerciantes geralmente mantinham seus próprios serviços de correio. Por exemplo, os Fuggers mantiveram um sistema de mensageiros entre Augsburg e Veneza no século XVI. 8 Conurbações com intensa atividade comercial surgiram posteriormente em Amsterdã, Londres e Paris, bem como nas regiões de Aachen-Lätich e Ruhr. A renda per capita e o padrão de vida aumentaram muito mais rapidamente nessas regiões do que em outros lugares. No entanto, a rápida industrialização da Europa Central, Ocidental e do Norte exigiu recursos consideráveis. No século 19, o carvão substituiu a madeira como principal fonte de energia. No século 20, o petróleo substituiu amplamente o carvão. A eletricidade, gerada hidroeletricamente, assim como o carvão, o petróleo, a energia nuclear e a energia solar, surgiram como a forma mais adaptável de energia que estava disponível em quase toda parte. O transporte dessa energia desempenhou um papel cada vez mais importante no comércio internacional. 9
A "oligopolização" da economia global.
No período entre a Revolução Industrial e a Primeira Guerra Mundial, três poderes foram centrais na determinação da taxa de crescimento econômico na Europa e na importância relativa da Europa nos eventos mundiais: Grã-Bretanha, Alemanha e França. Em 1913, o último ano da primeira metade do século XX, que pode ser descrito como um "ano normal", esses três países dominaram grandes setores da economia global. Neste contexto, é possível falar de uma "oligopolização" da economia global, na qual & # 8211; junto com os EUA & # 8211; esses três estados exerceram a maior influência. Enquanto esses três países continham menos da metade da população da Europa, eles representavam aproximadamente três quartos da produção industrial da Europa e três quartos de todo o comércio entre a Europa e o resto do mundo. Os altos níveis de produtividade de suas economias estavam claramente refletidos na estrutura de seu comércio, ou seja, na exportação de produtos industriais e na importação de matérias-primas. Como resultado, esses países dominaram o fluxo internacional de capital e o investimento estrangeiro direto nos anos anteriores à Primeira Guerra Mundial. Na ausência de instituições econômicas supranacionais, a Grã-Bretanha, que em Londres fornecia o mercado de capitais central do mundo, assegurava, de fato, que a economia global continuasse a funcionar. 10 Além disso, o Banco da Inglaterra seguiu o princípio do padrão-ouro em todos os mercados monetários e de capitais do mundo, e a Grã-Bretanha geralmente aderiu aos princípios políticos liberais. No entanto, provou-se impossível ressuscitar este sistema após a Primeira Guerra Mundial. Após a catástrofe global da Grande Depressão, os volumes do comércio global caíram 26% e o comércio europeu 38%. 11
No período entre o Grande Colapso e a Segunda Guerra Mundial, os conceitos nacionais substituíram as políticas econômicas e monetárias unificadas (estrangeiras) na Europa. Em 1932, a Grã-Bretanha perdeu sua política de livre comércio e deu precedência à Commonwealth. A política econômica no Terceiro Reich seguiu o Neuer Plan, de Hjalmar Schacht (1877, 1970), com uma série de medidas discriminatórias e uma reorientação do comércio exterior para a Europa Oriental e a América Latina. A França tentou melhorar a situação ao unir capital público e privado em empresas ditas mistas nas principais indústrias. 12
A Segunda Guerra Mundial não apenas bloqueou a circulação de bens e capitais dentro da Europa, como também pôs fim à economia global por décadas ao dividir a Europa em uma parte oriental e ocidental. Itália, Áustria, República Federal da Alemanha, França e outros estados democráticos comprometeram-se com a economia liberal, livre mercado e democracia social, enquanto a Polônia, Bulgária, Romênia, Tchecoslováquia, Hungria e Alemanha Oriental adotaram o modelo de economia centralmente planejada da União Soviética. União, até que este sistema foi trazido ao fim pelo povo através de uma revolução pacífica após 45 anos. Mesmo antes disso, a visão ganhou aceitação de que o sistema orientado para a inovação da economia de livre mercado era superior ao conceito mais estático de planejamento central e gestão ditatorial, e havia sinais da dissolução que se aproximava da última.
A Alemanha reunificada e os "antigos" poderes do eixo europeu puderam então acordar novas políticas económicas, monetárias e comerciais europeias sob os auspícios de instituições supranacionais europeias, como o Conselho da Europa e o Banco Central Europeu. Já em 1957, seis estados da Europa Ocidental fundaram a Comunidade Econômica Européia (CEE). O estabelecimento de uma união aduaneira em 1968 foi um passo decisivo para uma maior integração. A União Europeia (UE), que tinha 12 membros em 1986 e aumentou para 27 em 2011, tornou-se uma das potências econômicas mais fortes do mundo, além dos EUA, Japão e China. Com o Banco Central Europeu e o Euro, a União Européia estabeleceu um meio de pagamento legal uniforme, que se tornou cada vez mais uma espécie de moeda de reserva ao lado do dólar americano.
Fases de Diferentes Intensidades e Concentração no Crescimento e no Comércio.
A expansão do comércio exterior europeu não ocorreu de forma linear. Qualitativa e quantitativamente, os séculos XII e XIII, e os séculos XVI e XVII foram períodos de forte crescimento comercial. Inversamente, os séculos XIV e XV, a segunda metade do século XVII e a primeira metade do século XVIII devem ser vistos como fases de crescimento econômico mais fraco ou estagnado. 13
As fases de expansão acentuada foram geralmente acompanhadas por um forte aumento no comércio de terras, principalmente na direção norte-sul (através da região de Champagne na Idade Média, e através do sul da Alemanha na segunda metade do século XV e no século XVI). século), mas também na direção leste-oeste. Nos séculos XII e XIII, o aumento do tráfego marítimo no Mediterrâneo proporcionou um estímulo significativo ao comércio transcontinental. Da mesma forma, a fase de crescimento do comércio transcontinental no século XVI foi acompanhada por avanços no transporte atlântico e intercontinental. Na Alta Idade Média, o comércio também foi estimulado pelo transporte de mercadorias por caravana de regiões do Extremo Oriente para a Ásia Central e, finalmente, para a Eurásia. O ponto focal do sudeste europeu deste comércio era Veneza, o qual & # 8211; não por coincidência & # 8211; foi também o ponto de partida de comerciantes como os irmãos Niccol & # 242; (1230 & # 8211; 1300) e Maffeo Polo (1252 & # 8211; 1309), e Niccol & # 242; s filho Marco Polo (1254 & # 8211; 1324) []. 14 No século 16, a expansão ocorreu ao longo das costas da América Central e do Sul para as minas de prata de Potos & # 237; (na atual Bolívia) e Zacatecas no México, trazendo o comércio atlântico e os retornos comerciais europeus ricos.
Enquanto o comércio europeu sobre a terra cresceu muito lentamente ou estagnou no final da Idade Média, o comércio entre o Mar do Norte e o Mar Báltico (Hanse) e entre os portos do Mar do Norte (particularmente Bruges) e os portos do norte e centro da Itália aumentaram consideravelmente. O crescimento foi claramente impulsionado pela expansão marítima. Aqueles que controlavam o oceano tinham uma posição de hegemonia no comércio mercantilista intercontinental. 15 A partir do século XVII, o comércio de bens com regiões fora da Europa cresceu como resultado do surgimento do comércio colonial holandês e britânico. No entanto, isso não compensaria totalmente a redução do comércio terrestre durante os períodos de fragilidade. Em geral, o comércio e o desenvolvimento econômico ocorriam agora principalmente nos portos centrais e suas regiões circunvizinhas ao longo das costas do continente europeu. 16 É neste contexto que alguns falam da "conomie du pourtour", ou a economia da área circundante, que se refere a uma determinada região económica & # 8211; por exemplo, o Mediterrâneo & # 8211; e seu desenvolvimento específico. 17
Nos dois períodos de fraco crescimento europeu, o crescimento do comércio marítimo nas regiões ultramarinas também não foi particularmente espetacular. Pelo contrário, durante a grande depressão nos séculos XIV e XV, as conquistas dos turcos e, em particular, dos tártaros mongóis privaram o comércio europeu de acesso a mercados importantes do Levante. Durante o segundo período de fraco crescimento econômico no final do século 17 e início do século 18, o comércio exterior europeu não começou a se expandir significativamente até que o império colonial luso-espanhol foi substituído pelo império holandês-britânico. Isso envolvia uma certa mudança de foco geográfico, mas baseava-se essencialmente em comércio e troca simples em guarnições e bases costeiras, bem como na agricultura de plantation, que apresentava características de economia de corte e queima. Em outras palavras, a expansão colonial também permaneceu uma "conomie du pourtour".
A partir de meados do século XVIII, tanto o comércio transcontinental como o marítimo tiveram um forte crescimento. A expansão direcionada da infra-estrutura européia de transporte e comércio e a aceitação gradual do pensamento econômico liberal, que substituiu o mercantilismo protecionista, resultou no surgimento de um novo período de desenvolvimento econômico não apenas na Europa, mas também no exterior. A integração do interior colonial, iniciada pela Grã-Bretanha durante o século XVIII, assumiu considerável importância no início do século XIX, com o surgimento da ideia da fronteira. O "novo sistema colonial" da Grã-Bretanha transformou-se gradualmente em uma indústria norte-americana de produção de algodão, que acompanhou e apoiou o surgimento da mecanização industrial precoce na Europa. 18
Comércio Europeu Durante a Industrialização.
Durante o período da economia nacional clássica, a obra de Adam Smith (1723 & # 8211; 1790) [17] A riqueza das nações de 1776 forneceu uma justificativa teórica do livre comércio. No entanto, uma série de eventos políticos e choques externos colocaram em questão a praticidade do livre comércio. Estes incluíam, por exemplo, o bloqueio continental que ocorreu durante o curso da expansão napoleônica, que prejudicou o comércio e o comércio durante anos. 19 Mesmo o período subsequente da Restauração deve ser visto mais como uma regressão ao protecionismo do que uma liberalização do comércio. No entanto, a introdução do Código Civil (1804) e do Código de Comércio (1807) na França e nas regiões sob influência francesa, como o reino da Vestfália, forneceu um sistema (econômico) moderno, que incluiu regulamentos racionais e facilitou o comércio. A introdução do sistema métrico, a dissolução das corporações e a introdução de uma ordem agrária progressista foram os pilares da reforma, que foi gradualmente transferida para outros países europeus após a Restauração. A industrialização inicial e a fase pós-Restauração foram acompanhadas por medidas sistêmicas mais amplas, como as várias formas de reforma agrária ("emancipação camponesa", "recintos" etc.), antiprotecionismo (união aduaneira, liberalização comercial, tratados comerciais com status mútuo mais favorecido, tratado de Cobden, etc.) e racionalização fiscal e financeira (regulamentos e normas nas áreas de medidas, cunhagem e pesos, bem como reformas monetárias e bancárias, etc.). Estes trouxeram uma melhoria duradoura nos termos de troca dos países envolvidos, 21 proporcionando assim uma base econômica relativamente bem ordenada e segura para a formação de estados-nação. No entanto, a Europa era muito diversificada economicamente, e havia pioneiros (Grã-Bretanha, França, Suíça, etc.) e retardatários, que incluíam o sul e leste da Europa e a maioria das terras alemãs. 22 Entretanto, os retardatários puderam aprender com os erros cometidos pelos pioneiros e adaptar as tecnologias inovadoras dos últimos. Consequentemente, a Alemanha, por exemplo, foi capaz de recuperar rapidamente no final do século XIX e até se tornou líder mundial em certos segmentos do mercado global (química, óptica, siderurgia, maquinaria, engenharia elétrica, etc.) pela surto da Primeira Guerra Mundial. 23 A pesquisa comparativa sobre produtividade dá muitos indicadores de como as economias dos estados europeus se desenvolveram de forma diferente e em momentos diferentes. 24
A industrialização européia levou a um rápido aumento na demanda por matérias-primas agrícolas e industriais, assim como por outros bens, e tornou necessária a provisão de meios de transporte e comunicação mais rápidos, baratos e eficientes. Tanto o comércio interno europeu como o comércio entre a Europa e o resto do mundo foram consideravelmente impulsionados por políticas comerciais decididamente liberais, que foram, no entanto, cada vez mais postas em causa após 1914 e completamente abandonadas durante os anos entre guerras (a serem reintroduzidas depois do Segundo Mundo). Guerra). No entanto, as inovações tecnológicas, o transporte aéreo e o surgimento de novos meios de comunicação (telex, comunicação eletrônica, etc.) resultaram na integração cada vez mais intensiva da Europa e do mundo, embora o desenvolvimento industrial avançasse lentamente, se é que o fazia, nos países. na periferia europeia. Por exemplo, havia tendências para a desindustrialização nos Bálcãs. 25
A Primeira Guerra Mundial mudou os eixos do comércio global. O sistema monetário internacional desintegrou-se e, em 1914, países como a Rússia, a Alemanha e a França abandonaram a convertibilidade das suas moedas em ouro. Desde que os eventos mais sérios da guerra ocorreram no continente europeu, eles danificaram estruturas de produção e prejudicaram consideravelmente o crescimento econômico. Os altos custos envolvidos na conversão de fábricas de tempos de paz para a produção de guerra, bloqueios navais, prêmios de risco, inflação crescente e o rápido aumento do custo das transações devido à guerra prejudicaram o continente europeu. Como resultado, a ordem econômica global passou por uma mudança fundamental em benefício da América em 1918. A parcela do produto social mundial na Europa estava em declínio.
Os anos entre guerras foram definidos por crises como nenhum outro período. Mesmo em muitos países europeus, os sistemas monetário e financeiro se desintegraram. Em particular, a Alemanha de Weimar foi atingida por uma série de crises e retrocessos políticos, por exemplo, o assassinato de políticos como Matthias Erzberger (1875 e 1921) e Walther Rathenau (1867), hiperinflação em 1923, e a crise financeira global em 1929, que mergulhou grandes partes da Europa em uma deflação maciça com desemprego extremamente alto. A França, a Grã-Bretanha e o sul e o leste da Europa também foram afetados pelo terrível clima financeiro global, ou foram enfraquecidos por revoltas internas. O protecionismo floresceu no período entre guerras, resultando em uma espécie de "des-europeização" da economia global. As nações industrializadas fora da Europa, particularmente os EUA, Canadá e Japão, viram sua parcela do mercado global aumentar, enquanto a porção das exportações globais dos três grandes países da Europa (França, Grã-Bretanha, Alemanha) diminuiu.
O domínio do protecionismo e da intervenção estatal resultou em uma espécie de fragmentação da economia global em sistemas e zonas de preferência que eram isolados uns dos outros em maior ou menor grau. A Interwar Germany acessou recursos energéticos e matérias-primas no leste e sudeste da Europa para fortalecer sua indústria, mas negligenciou sua indústria de bens de consumo. Em geral, o período entre guerras na Europa foi caracterizado pela desintegração econômica e social, e a "casa européia" teve que ser reconstruída a partir de suas fundações após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Isso envolveu a diminuição da quantidade de dinheiro em circulação, o estabelecimento de ordem monetária e a adequação dos países europeus ao mercado global. Graças em grande parte ao Plano Marshall (Programa Europeu de Recuperação), estes objetivos foram amplamente alcançados e um impressionante crescimento econômico liderado pelas exportações se seguiu. A OECE (Organização para a Cooperação Econômica Européia) forneceu uma base institucional eficaz para esse processo. Como resultado do Plano Schuman e dos esforços de conciliação a todos os níveis, a Alemanha, a França, os países do Benelux e a Itália conseguiram estabelecer uma base relativamente estável para a integração europeia. As tentativas cautelosas de influenciar o desenvolvimento industrial envolvido no Pacto do Carvão e do Aço 26 levaram à fundação da Comunidade Econômica Européia (CEE) em 1957. No ano seguinte, o Parlamento Europeu foi estabelecido em Estrasburgo com Robert Schuman (1886 & # 8211 1963) [] como seu primeiro presidente. Os Tratados de Roma (25 de Março de 1957), nos quais a CEE se baseava, constituíam um primeiro grande passo no caminho para a integração política e económica europeia. Isso não apenas forneceu um forte estímulo à integração "interna", mas também construiu uma estrutura inicial para as relações externas.
Com uma participação de 20% de todas as importações e exportações globais, a União Européia é a maior potência comercial do século 21, seguida pelos EUA, China e Japão. Em 2010, os bens no valor de 15,238 bilhões de dólares foram exportados para todo o mundo (em 2009, foram 12,522 bilhões de dólares). Isso equivale a um crescimento de aproximadamente 21,7% em relação a 2009. Os principais exportadores foram a República Popular da China, os EUA, a Alemanha, o Japão e os Países Baixos. Esses cinco países juntos representaram 35,9% das exportações mundiais de bens. Em 2010, a China esteve no topo da lista das nações exportadoras mais fortes do mundo pela segunda vez, seguida pelos EUA e Alemanha. 28.
Europa e o mundo africano.
A descoberta e conquista da África, América e Leste da Índia no final da Idade Média e no início do período moderno tiveram efeitos duradouros nos territórios e regiões envolvidos. Durante o curso do século XV, Portugal & # 8211; localizado centralmente na conexão entre as duas zonas do Atlântico & # 8211; foi capaz de conquistar locais estratégicos ao longo da costa oeste da África e na região do Atlântico Africano, embora essas bases tenham sofrido graves reversões entre 1475 e 1480. 29 Na década de 1440, os portugueses expandiram seu comércio de escravos africanos na região costeira do Rio. de Oro, que agora podiam conduzir sem a ajuda de intermediários asiáticos e africanos. Esses assentamentos fortemente fortificados, como os da ilha de Arguim, na África Ocidental, e da cidade de Elmina, no atual Gana, não eram apenas centros do comércio de escravos, mas também serviam de base para o comércio de ouro, pimenta malagueta, marfim e outros bens comerciais.
Inicialmente, foram os marinheiros e capitães italianos que, a serviço de Portugal, exploraram as ilhas atlânticas ao norte da África. 30 Em 1312, Lanzarotto Malocello (ca. 1270 & # 8211; 1336), que veio da região ao redor de Gênova, descobriu as Ilhas Canárias. Lanzarote foi nomeado após ele. No início do século XV, os portugueses asseguraram mais cidades e ilhas da região, por exemplo, Ceuta em 1415, Madeira em 1418, Açores em 1427 e Cabo Bojador no continente africano. Posteriormente, outras bases ao longo da costa oeste da África foram adicionadas, progredindo de norte a sul: Cabo Branco em 1441, Cabo Verde em 1444 e a foz do rio Gâmbia em 1446. Em 1456, o italiano Alvise Cadamosto (1432 & # 8211; 1488), que estava a serviço de Henrique, o Navegador (1394 & # 8211; 1460), reivindicou as Ilhas de Cabo Verde para Portugal. 31 A Serra Leoa foi reivindicada em 1460 e o Forte S-227 de Jorge da Mina foi construído dois anos depois. Aqui, os portugueses começaram a comerciar extensivamente, adquirindo ouro africano em troca de tecido tinto vermelho e azul, lenços de cabeça, coral da Europa, braçadeiras de latão da Alemanha e vinho branco português. Neste comércio, como no comércio de escravos, mexilhões amarelos e vermelhos das Canárias eram usados ​​como dinheiro. 32
No início do período moderno, a África tornou-se a região preferida de operação das empresas comerciais privilegiadas. Inglaterra, França, Holanda, Suíça e vários outros países europeus entregaram produtos manufaturados de vidro, metal e têxteis, bem como armas e álcool para a África em troca de escravos, provisões, ouro, etc. era muitas vezes apenas uma perna do chamado comércio triangular entre a Europa, a África e a América. Esse sistema de comércio permaneceu dominante do século XVII ao início do século XIX, quando a proibição cada vez mais generalizada do comércio de escravos mudou o foco do comércio na África. A maioria dos estados africanos tornou-se dependente das potências coloniais européias que os reduziram ao status de fornecedores de matérias-primas e os exploraram amplamente. Semelhante à América do Sul, surgiram na África monoculturas que dependiam muito das condições climáticas e do ciclo de colheita. A escassez de água, a fome, a baixa renda per capita e os baixos níveis de alfabetização continuam sendo as consequências da "modernidade" africana até o presente. Em muitos estados africanos, o domínio econômico dos estados ocidentais persiste até o presente, muitas vezes referido como neocolonialismo na literatura. A demanda contínua por matérias-primas no mercado global poderia melhorar muito o crescimento e a balança comercial dos países africanos ricos em recursos, se os excedentes de exportação resultantes fossem investidos nos respectivos países e chegassem aos bolsos dos consumidores de lá. Em geral, existem grandes diferenças em renda per capita entre os estados africanos individuais. A realidade econômica da África é complexa demais para ser descrita apenas em termos de teorias de dependência ou da abordagem do sistema mundial. 33
Europa, o Oriente e a Ásia.
Deixando de lado a antiguidade clássica, a expansão territorial da Europa para a Ásia pode ser rastreada até o período das cruzadas, que durou do final do século XI ao XIII. Ao longo das rotas seguidas pelos cruzados para o sudeste da Europa, através dos Bálcãs e para o Levante, uma infra-estrutura impressionante emergiu para atender às necessidades de armamento e abastecimento de algumas centenas de milhares de cavaleiros cruzados e peregrinos com destino a Jerusalém. Muitas dessas estações de abastecimento foram posteriormente utilizadas por comerciantes italianos e outros europeus para o transporte de mercadorias de e para o Oriente Médio e o Levante. Veneza provou estar particularmente bem posicionada geograficamente para se beneficiar deste comércio. Tornou-se o ponto focal para a troca de bens e informações entre a Ásia e a Europa34 e um "modelo" para as redes comerciais subsequentes das potências coloniais de Portugal, Holanda e Grã-Bretanha. 35 A idade de ouro da cidade da lagoa atingiu o clímax após a conquista de Constantinopla durante a Quarta Cruzada (1199 & # 8211; 1204). Não é por acaso que foram mercadores venezianos como Niccol, Maffeo e Marco Polo, que ajudaram a estabelecer o comércio de bens com o Império Chinês e até estabeleceram relações diplomáticas com a corte de Kublai Khan (1215, 1295). Ao fazê-lo, eles utilizaram rotas existentes, como a Rota da Seda, um importante eixo do "comércio global" medieval que cresceu em importância no final dos séculos XIII e XIV. Isso teve um profundo efeito não apenas sobre a cultura material da Europa, mas também sobre a idéia européia da Ásia. Na Batalha de Curzola, em 1298, Marco Polo foi levado ao cativeiro genovês e descreveu sua jornada ao escritor Rusticiano da Pisa enquanto estava na prisão. Através dos escritos deste último, alguns detalhes das experiências de Polo na China entraram no mosaico de imagens, fatos e crenças que os europeus associaram à China. Além de membros da família Pólo, outros contemporâneos também partiram para a Ásia Central, como o nativo de Flandres Wilhelm von Rubruk (ca. 1210 & # 8211; 1270) que estabeleceu em maio de 1253. Muitos eram clérigos, como os franciscanos. Johannes von Montecorvino (1247 & # 8211; 1328) que visitou a Índia e informou sobre especiarias como pimenta e canela, e sobre os hábitos culinários dos índios. Odorico da Pordenone (ca. 1286 & # 8211; 1331) de Udine, que também era um monge franciscano, viajou em 1314/1315 via Ceilão, Java, Cingapura e sul da China para Pequim, e relatou suas experiências, tanto ordinárias quanto extraordinárias. . Mais de 110 de seus manuscritos sobreviveram e sua influência foi significativa. 36
Enquanto os polos viajaram para a Ásia principalmente por terra, as viagens marítimas para a Ásia aumentaram a partir de 1488 quando Bartholomeu Diaz (ca. 1450 & # 150011; 1500) de Portugal se tornou o primeiro a navegar pelo Cabo da Boa Esperança. O estabelecimento do império português na Índia tornou as relações europeu-asiáticas mais permanentes e seguras. Em alguns casos, capitães de mar italianos e capital do sul da Alemanha participaram dessas viagens. 37 No contexto desta dupla expansão na região do Atlântico e no Extremo Oriente, Lisboa tornou-se cada vez mais central e fundamental no comércio global. Não foi por acaso que muitas expedições ultramarinas de importantes exploradores começaram na capital portuguesa.
The first expeditions to Asia during and after the discovery of the sea route around the Cape of Good Hope and into the Indian Ocean witnessed conspicuous efforts on the part of southern, central and western European merchants and consortia to promote their interests in the east by means of agents. For example, wealthy Nuremberg and Augsburg merchants, and Dutchmen participated in the first voyages to India. Following the punctual pattern established in Africa, the Portuguese began to fortify ports and towns in strategically important places, in order to make them impervious to attacks. The cities of Calicut and Goa are examples on the Indian west coast. Development in the early modern period was dominated by the privileged trading companies of the Dutch and the British, but also of smaller states such as Denmark . 38.
From the 17th century, the Netherlands played a leading role in trade between Europe and the rest of the world, particularly trade with Asia. In the 18th century, Great Britain dominated the Asian markets, though its focus was on India instead of Indonesia and Southeast Asia . The British East India Company, founded in 1600, and the Dutch East India Company , founded in 1602, dominated markets in the Indian Ocean and – to a lesser extent – in the South China Sea . Their power extended far beyond trade, and it resulted in a "golden age" in Holland and its main city, Amsterdam. 39.
In the 18th and 19th centuries, parts of Asia were increasingly drawn into the process of European industrialization. India in particular, as part of the Commonwealth, became an important source of raw materials (particularly cotton) as well as food and stimulants (particularly tea). The period of industrialization and of the rise of the middle class in Europe would not have been possible without these supplies and the intensification of exchange with Asia. The building of railways – a European innovation – began in the 19th century in Turkey , India, Japan and China, with lasting consequences for the territorialisation of economics and trade, and it provided the basis for further trade. The telegraph line between Calcutta and London, which was constructed by Siemens and opened in 1870, gave an important new stimulus to trade and the exchange of information between Europe and Asia. In all regions of Asia, enclaves and cities remained in European ownership until relatively recently, as in the case of Hong Kong which the British only relinquished in 1997.
America, the Pacific and Asia.
If one defines interdependence as a regular, planned, systematic, on-going and reciprocal exchange of information and goods, then one can observe the beginning of American-Asian relations in 1519, at which time the Manila fleets began to sail regularly from Acapulco (Mexico) to Indonesia, or more specifically to the port city and trading centre of Manila on the Philippines . They brought precious metals, particularly silver, from Central America to Asia and usually transported spices, silks, porcelain and jewels back. Pearls from the islands of Cubagua and Margarita off the coast of Venezuela were also traded overseas. In the 16th century, this trade prompted southern German merchants such as Christoph Herwart (1464–1529) to get involved in trade with India. 40.
Europe Meets Australia in the 17th Century.
It can be assumed that the discovery of the Cape York Peninsula by the Dutchman Willem Jansz (ca. 1570–1630) in 1606 was one of the first instances of economic contact between Europe and Australia. A decade later, Dirk Hartog (1580–1621) reached the west coast of Australia. During the course of the 17th century, Willem de Vlamingh (1640–1698) and William Dampier (1651–1715) "discovered" other parts of the Australian continent, thereby facilitating the more concentrated exploration and mapping of Australia. From a European perspective, Australia did not play a significant role in trade, though there was some British foreign investment in Australia before the First World War. This was focused primarily on the building and financing of infrastructure projects (railways, harbours, public buildings, etc.). Conversely, Australian wool and mutton were exported to Europe. 41.
Europe, the Atlantic and America.
The beginning of relatively regular economic relations between Europe and America occurred in the 16th century. The initial contact with America which Vikings under Erik the Red (950–ca. 1005) established around 1000 BC cannot be described as a lasting exchange; neither can such exchange be said to have existed in the first two or three decades after America was rediscovered by the Genoese sailor Christopher Columbus (1451–1506). 42.
Trade between the Old World and the New World constantly experienced fluctuations which were caused by by economic growth and developments such as the discovery, mining and transportation of precious metals. This was true in particular of silver and gold from South America and Central America, and later from North America. The supply of coin metal to European states from overseas affected the currency stability, liquidity, monetary independence, and ultimately the profitability of early modern capital markets. However, due to insufficient domestic production, Spain was constantly dependent on imports from Asia, and a considerable portion of the precious metals imported from South America was transferred to Asia via Cádiz and Seville as payment. Consequently, the quantity of precious metals which was used to mint coins in Spain and Portugal should not be overestimated. The inflationary effect of imported precious metals was therefore less significant than has been assumed. 43.
Around the beginning of the 16th century, Portugal's double expansion continued with its turning westward and commencing to colonize Brazil . Impressive colonial cities came into being on the coast, such as Salvador do Bahia , the first capital city of Brazil. The eastern part of South America had been granted to the Portuguese by Pope Alexander VI (1492–1503) in the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) . Around 1500, Pedro Alvarez Cabral (ca. 1468–1520) claimed mainland Brazil for Portugal, and expeditions during the course of the 16th century, such as those by Martim Afonso de Sousa (1500–1564), explored the Brazilian interior. During this time, several groups of Portuguese Jesuits founded towns and the earliest sugar cane plantations in Brazil. One such sugar mill was acquired by the Schetz company of Antwerp in 1540. 44 Sugar production in Brazil was able to increase vastly in scale because of the use of African slaves, thereby paving the way for the basic forms of tropical agricultural production which were to become the predominant forms in the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean , as well as in the southern part of North America. Brazil played a large role in supplying Europe with inexpensive sugar in the early modern period due to big increases in productivity in the cultivation of sugar cane which brought down the price of sugar. A similar development occurred in the case of maize, cocoa, coffee, tobacco and cotton.
In the second third of the 16th century, transatlantic relations intensified, due in part to the discovery of precious metals in South America. During the course of the discovery of the American continent, not only did people of different ethnic backgrounds encounter one another, the material culture was also greatly enriched, for example by the arrival of previously unknown plants, animals and goods in Europe. Medieval Europe had no knowledge of cocoa and, consequently, of chocolate. Some present-day dietary staples such as maize and the potato, which – like tapioca and nasturtium – are good sources of carbohydrates, were previously unknown in Europe also. Equally new to Europeans were sugar-rich plants such as sugar maple and protein-rich legumes such as beans. Other plants such as peanuts provided oil and fat. New vegetable types such as tomatoes, peppers and pumpkins, and nuts and fruits from avocados and pineapples to guavas and papayas appeared on European tables. Europe became acquainted with intoxicants such as the products of the maté tree and the coca bush. Spices such as vanilla, allspice and chili contributed to the refinement of European culinary tastes. Tobacco was also cultivated in Europe for the first time in the early modern period. It is beyond question that the exchange of new types of food and stimulants has had an effect on patterns of behaviour – and even on architecture – in the modern period. Smoking rooms or gentlemen's rooms containing pipe stands, ashtrays, matches and similar utensils were a given in 18th-century and 19th-century villas. Coffee houses were often popular meeting places for artists and literati, and were consequently much-frequented places for meeting and communication which had a considerable effect on the culture of large European cities.
New types of wood, such as rare pine species and mahogany, appeared in the sitting rooms of affluent Europeans. Quebracho trees and various species of mangrove provided tannic acid. Rubber trees and sweet potato trees provided rubber, while the wax palm, the carnauba palm and the jojoba provided wax. The variety of dyes available was also increased by access to tropical plants, ranging from the brazil wood to the redwood, the logwood, the yellowwood, and indigo, which began to replace woad in Europe. The New World was also a source of numerous plants which provided insecticides, such as barbasco roots, the bitterwood, and the cashew nut; even tobacco falls into this category. Today "American" plants are even used as fuel sources, as experiments with tapioca, maize and species of copaiba demonstrate. 45.
Conversely, Europe enriched the American continent by the introduction of new animal and plant species, as well as new inventions, cultivation techniques and ideas. These ranged from horses, cattle, donkeys and hens to honeybees and silkworms, and from new types of cereals such as barley to apples, apricots, almonds, various types of cabbage, carrots, aubergines, flax and garlic. Europeans also introduced a vast array of weapons and craft tools, as well as institutional innovations such as Roman law, which was established in many states of North and South America. There were also innovations such as the amalgamation process for extracting silver and gold from ores using mercury, or book printing, which accelerated and intensified the transfer of information and knowledge from the Old World to the New World.
To summarize, the encounter between the material and intellectual cultures of Europe and America resulted in enormous mutual enrichment and inspiration. 46 However, it also had negative effects, such as the transfer of diseases in both directions. Many more indigenous Americans died as a result of "European" diseases than died in violent confrontations during the course of the Conquista . Conversely, European travellers contracted "American" illnesses which had not existed in medieval Europe.
The Netherlands, England, France, and other European countries (Denmark, Sweden , Austria, Prussia , Switzerland, etc.) sought to gain access to trade in Asia, Africa and America by means of privileged companies. In the 17th and 18th centuries, this often took the form of the so-called triangular trade, i. e., participation in trade with Africa, America and the Caribbean, and the rest of Europe, African trade being largely synonymous with slave trading. Slaves were bought in exchange for European manufactured goods and subsequently transported to the large estates of the West Indies and America on special slave ships. 47 In the early modern period, 10 to 12 million Africans were taken in this way to the New World, from where colonial produce was transported to Europe. Privileged European trading companies were also employed in Atlantic trade, such as the Royal African Company and the Hudson's Bay Company, the Dutch West India Company and corresponding French companies.
The expanding European settlements in America required a growing number of labourers for the work on plantations and other possessions. As a result, the triangular trade persisted until the abolition movement of the 19th century. Denmark and Great Britain abolished slavery in 1807, followed by the USA in 1808, and Holland and France in 1814. In addition to the role played by the American and French revolutions in promoting freedom and human rights, economic interests played a decisive role in this process. New economic systems which emerged as a result of the industrial revolutions began to replace old mercantilist forms. The emerging polypolistic variety of markets was accompanied by the intensification of market formation and of competition. An economic transformation occurred, which introduced new institutional forms, a liberal economic and social order, and a radical integration of world markets. Subsequently, global exports grew as a proportion of the world social product from approximately 1% in 1825 to approximately 8% in 1900, and finally to approximately 16% in 2000. The global economy has multiplied by 44 since 1820, and global trade has grown in volume by a factor of 600 in the same period.
Up to the First World War, Western Europe undoubtedly contributed most to the world gross social product. In 1913, it accounted for 906 billion international dollars (of a total of 1990 billion), which equates to 33.5% of the World Gross Domestic Product (GDP). By 1950, this percentage declined to 26.3%, and by 1998 to 20.6%. 48 While Europe's trade with territories in the rest of the world grew in absolute terms, it became less important in relative terms since trade relations between the industrialized countries grew disproportionately quickly in significance.
Rolf Walter , Jena.
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^ Glamann, Der europäische Handel 1983, pp. 271–333, here: 271. ^ Walter, Globalisierung 2011, pp. 7ff.; also contains the term "proto-globalization". ^ Kellenbenz, Handbuch Europäische Wirtschafts - und Sozialgeschichte 1986, vol. 3. ^ Cameron, Geschichte der Weltwirtschaft 1992, vol. 2, pp. 15ff., 181ff. ^ See the following works: Melis, Il comercio transatlantico 1954; de Maddalena, La ricchezza dell'Europa 1992; de Roover, Business 1974 und Cassandro, L'irradiazione economica fiorentina 1995. ^ See: Lopez, The Commercial Revolution 1976; Rapp, Unmaking 1975. ^ Blockmans, Macht 1998, p. 37. ^ Behringer, Fugger und Taxis 1986, pp. 242f. ^ Fremdling, Technologischer Wandel 1986, passim. ^ Burk, Money and Power 1992, p. 359. ^ Pinder, Europa in der Weltwirtschaft 1986, pp. 377f., 382. ^ ibid., p. 386. ^ Walter, Globalisierung 2011, p. 9. ^ Reichert, Begegnungen 1992. ^ Diwald, Weltmeere 1980, pp. 269 ff. and passim; Scammell, The World Encompassed 1981. ^ Van der Wee / Aerts, De economische ontwikkeling van Europa 1994, pp. 167f. ^ Braudel, Civilisation matérielle, vol. 2, 1986. ^ Mieck, Handbuch EWSG, vol. 4, 1993; Bayly, Birth 2004; Walter, Wirtschaftsgeschichte 2011, pp. 74ff. ^ Walter, Commerz 1987, pp. 193–218, here: 195f. ^ Kutz, Außenhandel 1974, passim. ^ Von Borries, Außenhandel 1970, pp. 82ff. and passim. ^ See: Gerschenkron, Backwardness 1968. ^ See: Fremdling, Wirtschaftswachstum 1985; Grabas, Konjunktur 1992. ^ See: Fremdling / O'Brian 1983. ^ Fäßler, Globalisierung 2007, p. 97. ^ Walter, Wirtschaftsgeschichte 2011, p. 262. ^ Europäische Union, Trade 2012. ^ WTO, International Trade Statistics 2011. ^ Kraus / Ottomeyer, Novos mundos 2007. ^ Verlinden, Atlantischer Raum und Indische-Ozean-Zone 1982. ^ Ankenbauer, "das ich mochte meer newer dyng erfaren" 2010, pp. 80ff. ^ Teixeira da Mota, Der portugiesische Seehandel 1969, pp. 7ff.; Hogendorn / Johnson, The Shell Money 1986. ^ Wallerstein, The Modern World System, vol. 1–3, 1974–1988, passim. ^ Martin / Romano, Venice Reconsidered 2000. ^ Van der Wee, Structural changes 1990, pp. 14–33. ^ Reichert, Erfahrung der Welt 2001, pp. 165ff., 203ff. and passim; idem, Begegnungen 1992, pp. 287–293. ^ Wiesflecker, Neue Beiträge 2005, pp. 647ff.; Kalus, Pfeffer 2010. ^ Nagel, Abenteuer Fernhandel 2007 (see the informative maps on pp. 33, 73, 103); Krieger, Kaufleute, Seeräuber und Diplomaten 1998. ^ Israel, Dutch Primacy 1989; North, Das Goldene Zeitalter 2001, pp. 19ff. and passim. ^ Kellenbenz, Ostindienhandel 1991; Walter, Oberdeutsche 2001, p. 42 and passim; Kalus, Pfeffer 2010, pp. 74, 106 and passim. ^ Cameron, Geschichte der Weltwirtschaft 1992, vol. 2, pp. 108f. ^ Walter, Geschichte der Weltwirtschaft 2006, pp. 103ff. ^ Pieper, Preisrevolution 1985, passim; Hamilton, American Treasure 1934. ^ Kellenbenz, Dreimal Lateinamerika 1990, p. 190. ^ Ewald, Pflanzen Iberoamerikas 1995, pp. 48ff. ^ Crosby, Columbian Exchange 1972, passim. ^ See: Degn, Die Schimmelmanns 2000; Klein, The Atlantic Slave Trade 1999. ^ Maddison, The World Economy 2001, p. 261, Table B-18.
Dieser Text ist lizensiert unter This text is licensed under : CC by-nc-nd 3.0 Germany - Attribution, Noncommercial, No Derivative Works.
Übersetzt von: Translated by: Niall Williams.

Early modern global trade system

No other era is as easy to summarize as the EARLY MODERN (1450-1750) era. This is the era the Europeans "wake-up", expand, and build empires. I'm not talking about Charlemagne here. I'm talking about the British Empire. I'm talking about the Dutch East India Trading Company. I'm talking about the Spanish Empire. This is a new Europe. This isn't Marco Polo. These Europeans will come to your land and stay there. They will take over most of the world in this era (if not, in the next). Beyond the Maritime empires (and the effect of their establishment), many huge land empires emerged (most notably the Islamic Mughal and Ottoman Empires. Of course, China is important. It always is. So, here is the Early Modern Period.
The above map was created using the geographic references from this era in the AP World History curriculum. Every geographic reference for this unit appears on this map.
The interconnection of the Eastern and Western hemispheres made possible by transoceanic voyaging marked a key transformation of this period. Technological innovations helped to make transoceanic connections possible. Changing patterns of long-distance trade included the global circulation of some commodities and the formation of new regional markets and financial centers. Increased trans-regional and global trade networks facilitated the spread of religion and other elements of culture as well as the migration of large numbers of people. Germs carried to the Americas ravaged the indigenous peoples, while the global exchange of crops and animals altered agriculture, diets, and populations around the planet.
I. Existing regional patterns of trade intensified in the context of the new global circulation of goods.
A. The intensification of trade brought prosperity and economic disruption to the mercnahts and goverenments in the trading region of the Indian OCean, Mediterranean, the Sahara, and overland Eurasia.
II. European technological developments in cartography and navigation built on previous knowledge developed in the Classical, Islamic, and Asian worlds.
A. The developments included the production of new tools, innovations in ship designs, and an improved understanding of global wind and current patterns--all of which made transoceanic travel and trade possible.
IV. The new global circulation of goods was facilitated by royal chartered European monopoly companies and the flow of silver from the Spanish colonies in the Amerias to purchase Asian goods for the Atlantic markets. Regional markets continued to flourish in Afro-Eurasia by using established commercial practices and new transoceanic shipping services developed by European Merchants.
A. European merchants’ role in Asian trade was characterized mostly by transporting goods from one Asian country to another market in Asia or the Indian Ocean region.
B. Commercialization and the creation of a global economy were intimately connected to new global circulation of silver from the Americas. (SEE CRASH COURSE BELOW)
(John Green explores how Spain went from being a middling European power to one of the most powerful empires on Earth, thanks to their plunder ((silver)) of the New World in the 16th and 17th centuries.)
C. Mercantilist policies and practices were used by European rulers to expand and control their economies and claim overseas territories, and joint-stock companies, influenced by these mercantilist principles, were used by rulers and merchants to finance exploration and compete against one another in global trade.

Early Modern Empires (1500-1800)
Introdução.
After 1500, world regions—such as West Africa, East Asia, and South America—fused together into one global trade system. For the first time in history, each region of the world now interacted with the others. For example, enslaved African labor was used in South American plantations to sell cheap sugar to Europe. Silver from Mexico bought loans for Spain, and that same silver ended up in China to buy silk or porcelain for Europeans. E assim por diante. A new global system emerged, forged of uneven relationships, in which a small part of the world, Europe, successfully exploited the world’s human and natural resources to its advantage. This was Globalization 1.0. Historians disagree on exactly when European empires began to “rise” and Asian empires began to “fall. ” But most see it happening gradually over centuries of the early modern era.
Just Before the Turning Point: 15 th Century World Empires.
In the shadow of the 21st century wealth and influence of The West, we often forget that in the 15th century, powerful non-European empires thrived. In the Americas, for example, the Aztecs ruled over a vast and diverse population of over 25 million people and controlled an area of 200,000 square miles (Getz 63). The Inca in South America controlled an empire that stretched 2500 miles. The empire of Mali controlled much of West Africa. Across the deserts of North Africa, caravans of up to 25,000 camels traded enslaved Africans and gold for Indian textiles (Marks 55). No European nation at the time surpassed these empires’ wealth and territory.
In the 15th century, empires outside Europe—in China, Mexico, and the Middle East—were also far more urbanized than Europe. Ninety-nine percent of humans throughout the world lived in rural areas, so urban living was unusual. But dense cities were a clear indication of an empire’s power, wealth, technology, industry and potential for trade. And Europe lagged behind. Both Istanbul and Beijing, for example, had populations of around 700,000 in 1500, whereas only 125,000 lived in Paris (Frank 12). Tenochtitlan, the capital city of the Aztec Empire in central Mexico, had a population of over 250,000 people, while fewer than 100,000 lived in London (Marks 74). China had the most impressive cities of all—nine out of the ten largest cities in the world were found there (26). In 1492, few would have looked at the cities of the world and believed that Europe would come to dominate global trade centuries later.
Europe was not even dominant on its own doorstep. The Ottoman Empire continued to expand its imperial rule in the early modern era, at Europe’s expense. The vast and diverse empire controlled much of southeastern Europe, almost all of the Middle East, and the strategically important nation of Egypt (gateway to the main trade route from Europe to the Indian Ocean). The Ottoman Sultan succeeded in uniting much of the ethnically diverse Islamic world behind him by claiming the religious authority of the caliph, which designated him an heir to the prophet Mohammed. The Ottomans used the latest in military technology, enormous cannons, to decisively defeat the Europeans at the battle of Constantinople in 1453. This enormous loss of the last Christian stronghold at the doorstep of the Middle East would later lead Europeans to seek a sea route to Asia to open up the profitable spice trade.
Without question, China was the most dominant country in the world in the 15th century. A dramatic example of China’s prowess at the time can be seen in the amazing voyages of the Chinese admiral Zeng He , between 1405 and 1433. His Muslim faith and prestigious position in government reminds us of the ethnic and religious diversity of the vast Chinese empire. He led fleets of Chinese boats across the Indian Ocean to trade in India, Southeast Asia, Arabia, and East Africa. These were, by far, the largest fleets in the history of the world and would not be surpassed in size and number for many centuries.
Between 1404 and 1407 alone, the Chinese built 1,681 ships requiring wood from as far away as 1000 miles. The largest ship was 400 feet long and 160 feet wide, bigger than a football field (Marks 48-49). (In Europe, by contrast, the intimidating Spanish Armada, the largest navy in the world in 1588—almost two centuries later—included only 132 much smaller ships (Frank 197)). The Chinese seemed poised to control the trade and treasure of the entire Indian Ocean. At the time, only Zeng He’s ships had the sailing technology to sail around southern Africa towards West Africa and on to Europe. Alas for China, the emperor in favor of these expensive, exploratory, and impressive voyages died in 1435. The new emperor turned China’s resources and policies inward to focus on the Mongols invading from the north and to manage the rest of his vast agrarian land empire. So no more Chinese fleets sailed the Indian Ocean. How might the history of the world differed if these voyages had continued on to Europe and even the Americas?
Less dramatically, but more importantly, Asia was the center of global trade in the early modern era, prompting Europeans to expend considerable time and energy to find a route to Asia. Europeans wanted to trade for Chinese silk and porcelain, Indian cotton textiles and indigo, and the spices of Southeast Asia (such as cinnamon, nutmeg, cloves, and pepper). Asian silk, cotton, and porcelain were the highest quality mass-produced items in the world. Spices, for example, were only grown in the islands of Southeast Asia, and some were helpful for preserving meat in a world without refrigeration, while others were luxurious delicacies. These were the “must have” consumer products in Europe, much like smart phones, computers, and cars today. All of these products had to travel to Europe via difficult and long land routes across the Middle East or southern Asia. This made the items extremely expensive in Europe, especially since the Europeans had nothing to trade that the Asians wanted.
Even though 15th century China was much more powerful than Europe, the average European had much in common with his or her Asian counterpart. Europe, South Asia, and China accounted for about 70 percent of the world’s population (Marks 25). People in these three regions lived similarly rural lives and had about the same material existence. All had life expectancies of between thirty and forty years of age (30). In Europe, South Asia, and China, peasants gave up much of their crop yield to landlords and their respective governments. All three regions took part in a global trade that spread thousands of miles across Europe, the Middle East, East Africa, South Asia, and East Asia. Also, the entirety of Eurasia was still recovering from plagues that had swept through the continent over the last century and depopulated cities and regions. And all three regions had access to new military technology such as gunpowder and cannons.
Although 15th century Asian empires had the clear lead in trade, manufacturing, productivity, market size, and overall wealth, Europeans at the time planted the seeds for their ascendency with incremental but highly significant innovations in military and sailing technology. In Europe, new military technologies eventually tipped the balance of power in favor of larger and expanding states that could afford to develop the latest war inventions and maintain standing armies. Europeans improved on Mongol cannons by making them with strong cast iron. The small kingdoms and nations of Europe were in almost constant war with each other. This pugilism became a long-term advantage of sorts because the bloody competition between many states pressured Europeans to improve on their military technology.
China, on the other hand, was one large empire with one government that did not feel the constant pressure to improve military technology. Thus, trade in the Indian Ocean was peaceful; merchant ships sailed unarmed across thousands of miles. Conversely, Europeans were so accustomed to combat: that when they first sailed into the Indian Ocean, the broadsides of their ships were armed with cannons. Europeans came ready for battle.
Similarly, while most Asian empires focused on their vast, rich inland empires and neglected their navies, Europeans began to excel in sailing and navigational technology. By the 15th century, the compass, the full-rigged ship, and the quadrant allowed Europeans to sail across the open ocean. As a result, in the 1400s, the Portuguese kept pressing south down the coast of Africa with small but armed caravels. And, by the late 15th century, it seemed just a matter of time before a bold European would throw his fate to the winds and set off into the open seas of the Atlantic Ocean.

Early Modern Ports, 1500–1750.
Published Erschienen : 2010-12-03   
Ports are the vehicles par excellence for transactions. Since time immemorial, ports have been gateways for the exchange of goods, people and ideas. These exchanges have determined the relevance certain areas have attained in world history by framing global contacts beyond the narrow urban walls of a certain town. Even though Late Medieval and Renaissance ports were situated within the Mediterranean basin, the European expansion overseas and the local competition moved the preeminence of European ports to the Atlantic axis, where Northwestern European cities took over most of the central economic, social, political and cultural role of large metropolises, remaining important nodal points for global interactions until today.
Inhaltsverzeichnis Table of Contents.
Introdução.
From time immemorial, the sea has been a link between states, and ports have been connecting bridges between different peoples and cultures. 1 Ports did not only bring communities closer, they also had particular functions inherent to their position as links to the sea and as connections between different political powers and civilizations. This article will start with the definition of three central concepts when considering ports as objects of historical study, namely, "ports", "hinterlands" and "regions". These three concepts draw the framework within which historians have so far considered ports, their influence and their role in history.
The article will proceed by exploring the different functions ports acquired in history and how those functions influenced the historical development of each individual port. It will pay special attention to the economic, political, social and cultural functions a good number of ports assumed and which influenced the outcome of their success or failure as global players.
Ports, hinterlands and regions.
When studying the role and influence of ports in history, it is important to understand what historians mean when they write about ports. The concept of the Early Modern port has its roots in the medieval urban tradition. The title of "port" was generally given to towns whose main activity was trade, being located either on the shores of a major river or on the sea. When the role of trade and market activities became important enough to a certain port, those activities would be regulated by the urban authorities or the central government (king).
During the Early Modern period, the notion of the port was similar. At an urban level, one could distinguish a port from any other type of town by looking at its urban composition. There were three characteristics that marked ports. In the first place, ports had harbors that were the center of the movement of people and products. Secondly, the urban morphology of ports always had particular buildings or spaces that dominated the city, such as dockyards, warehouses, customs houses, open markets, inns and pubs. Finally, ports could also be identified by the particular socio-economic groups that they sheltered. For instance, ports commonly attracted a large number of merchants, bankers, bookkeepers, shopkeepers, shipbuilders and foreigners. 2
Even though ports were important as urban structures with a direct link to the sea or via river estuaries, Early Modern ports, like all other towns and cities at the time, were not able to survive without their hinterlands. The primary concept of the hinterland is that of a rural environment that immediately surrounds a port. There is some debate over this definition, though. Medieval historians state that hinterlands were spaces surrounding the ports, but they were also part of the urban structure because the town had jurisdictional rights over them. In practice, that meant that an urban system was composed of both an urban element – the port – and a rural element – the hinterland. 3
Early Modern maritime and urban historians have gone further with their definition of hinterland. They agree with the medievalists that hinterlands were often within the jurisdiction of the port, but they stress the idea of the growth of informal hinterlands during the Early Modern period. By informal hinterlands they mean not only the clearly jurisdictional definition given by medievalists, but also the extent to which ports influenced their surrounding space and the extent to which that space influenced the ports. Therefore, for the Early Modern period one has to look at the immediate rural hinterland (jurisdictionally dependent on the port), but also at a larger space that one could call regional, which may include areas of migration and long-distance trade and cultural exchanges . 4 Some argue, going even further, that hinterlands can also have a trans-continental character, especially during a time in which European ports were venturing into overseas enterprises. 5
The definition of Early Modern hinterlands and their symbiotic relationship with European ports was paramount for determining the position each port assumed in a specific region and therefore its projection beyond that region, often into the international and global arenas. This approach to the definition of hinterlands denotes an evolution from the Middle Ages to the Early Modern period in which ports and hinterlands became less jurisdictionally attached and more informally linked.
When considering the development and place of ports in a broader historical context, we rely on two basic theoretical frameworks: the central place theory and the network theory. The central place theory identifies towns as centers for the consumption and commercialization of products coming from the surrounding countryside. 6 These towns would not only function as commercial markets, but also as service providers. The variety and efficiency of these services would mainly depend on the size of the towns. The theory states that small towns with close links to the surrounding agricultural area are placed below the level of larger towns providing more extensive services, which in their turn would be the base for the development of regional cities. The efficiency and diversity of the services regional cities made available would surpass the level of the services other towns had to offer. 7
The hierarchical system constructed by the central place theory presents a problem. If one subdivides the services provided by small towns, larger towns and regional centers, one can see that local hierarchies depend on the type of services provided. For example, a small town might have offered a more important agricultural market than a large town, but usually it did not supply financial services, as larger towns or regional cities did. In the final analysis, one can consider a range of services, consisting of several hierarchies each depending on a specific service. This also applies to economic factors, such as capital, labor or markets, to administrative factors, such as law enforcement, public administration or tax collection, or even to cultural factors and technological dissemination.
The central place theory raises a number of questions and doubts and cannot be considered in isolation. It is necessary to supplement it with other theories. It seems that the best of those theories has been fully developed by Paul M. Hohenberg and Lynn H. Lees. 8 In their survey of Europe's urbanization, they systematically combine a network theory with a central place system, and thus take the concept of urban interaction a step further.
Hohenberg and Lees imply that at a lower and middle level of the central place hierarchy there must be a certain degree of cooperation between towns, and specifically between ports. So, instead of accepting their urban role as the result of their geographic position in the hierarchy, Hohenberg and Lees consider that towns and cities need to be analyzed according to their function. Following the authors' arguments, those functions are defined not only by geography, but also by their links to other urban areas. This means that during the Early Modern period ports were in a better position to supply more services, which meant that they could assume the most advantageous position when relating to their hinterland and their urban partners. The more they brought in from the hinterland, the larger became the area under their formal or informal sway, and the more potential they achieved for urban interconnectedness and interdependency.
One of the consequences of the network theory is that urban connections and interdependencies increased with the growth of the network of interconnected ports. These close relationships made the distribution of all sorts of economic, social and cultural products easier. In the beginning, the range of distribution included mainly material things, such as products and capital. But soon, people (migration) and subjective things like ideas, technological development and information traveled faster and penetrated more deeply than ever before, contributing thus to an ever-growing complexity of the port/hinterland network systems.
The growing number of services and interactions between ports and their urban counterparts in the direct hinterland, region, trans-national and trans-continental networks gave them a function seen by many as the ultimate sign of the globalizing role ports played in history, namely, functioning as gateways. 9 This role of gateway was especially important when considering the different functions ports had in the Early Modern period, a time in which most large cities were ports and most of them were engaged, in one way or another, in the general movement of European expansion overseas.
Yet not all early modern ports were large, and not all of them were global gateways. Some of them were forced into a position of a social, economic and cultural "window function" by a strong state in need of contact with the outside world, as was the case with the role St. Petersburg assumed within the orbit of the Russian state . 10 Others, like some small ports in Scandinavia , were used as demarcation bastions of territorial borders in contexts where the competition between opposing central states threatened the integrity of one of them, as happened in the case of Lödöse on the Swedish-Norwegian border. 11
Social, Economic and Cultural Transactions.
The role ports assumed as gateways during the Early Modern period can be ascribed to the fact that they were urban environments where transactions took place. Those transactions were numerous and mirrored the multifunctional character ports had at the time.
The most primary and distinct function of Early Modern ports was transactions in goods, commonly referred to as trade, but which went beyond commerce, growing to include all related activities of shipbuilding, bookkeeping and a wide range of services such as notarial registration, credit, insurance and in some cases even the organization of specialized stock exchanges and chartered companies. 12
The success Early Modern ports achieved in their role of gateways for products was determined by their position in the trading networks each port belonged to. If some, like Venice , Seville , Lisbon or Cadiz were mainly centers for intercontinental transactions, ports like Antwerp , Amsterdam or London grew from regional centers into intercontinental powers, thus becoming bridges between the centuries-old European trading networks and the newly-found Atlantic and Asian routes. 13
For most ports, the essence of trading relied on the exchange of products in more or less free markets. Therefore, knowledge of production outlets, consumption markets and market behavior was paramount for a thriving port. This knowledge gave information about production techniques, weather conditions, creditworthiness and fashion a value of its own, since the different degrees of information might work for or against a certain port, depending on the timing and amount of information available at a given moment. Therefore, no major international port was able to do well in transacting products if the flows of information were not at least as efficient. 14 The major source of information during the Early Modern period was word of mouth (mostly through personal contact or personal letters), and in some places the press, although the latter was of almost negligible significance. Information traveled with people, and for that reason ports were at an advantage when compared to other types of towns. Since people often traveled with products, and since ports were always an attractive environment for immigrants because of the broad availability of work within the city, or the opportunity to find transport to somewhere else, news was quick to reach most ports.
If most of the information flows reaching Early Modern European ports were of a practical nature, often linked to trade (news of shortages, prices, weather, wars, embargoes and so on), there was also a flow of intellectual transactions that one may also classify as information. The exchange of written knowledge through the import/export of books, pamphlets and religious written materials positioned ports in the forefront of intellectual exchanges. It is thus not surprising that most ports were more or less tolerant environments for the exchange of unorthodox religious ideas, political concepts or technological developments.
The growth of the amount of practical and intellectual information within the European networks of Early Modern ports emphasizes the importance that human transactions gained in many of these towns. The spread of manufacturing, services and military activities linked with trade imposed a permanent demand for a fluid and flexible labor force within most European port systems. Often offering a broad range of specialized activities, ports were known to be places where one might earn a relatively higher wage than in other towns and where the permanent availability of work was a constant. These circumstances attracted very significant numbers of immigrants coming from the rural hinterlands, the region or even from the informal hinterlands overseas. 15
Rural or urban migration from close by or far away greatly influenced the social composition of most ports, making them extraordinary environments of social interaction, religious exchanges and cultural transactions. That was certainly the case with European ports that received a fair share of slaves imported from the West Coast or the North of Africa , and free Africans, as was the case with Lisbon, Livorno , Liverpool or Marseille .
If slaves were forced into migration against their will, other groups left their towns of origin owing to religious persecution . That was the case with the Iberian New Christians, often forced into exile by the actions of the Inquisition, or the Huguenots , forced to flee their home towns to avoid religious exclusion. A considerable number of these migrants fled to Northwestern European ports like Antwerp, Amsterdam, Hamburg or London, where they made a significant contribution to the economic, social and cultural life of those ports for more than 350 years.
Unfortunately, not all Early Modern migrants were successful, and their survival at the port of destination was often hindered by the instability of the labor markets or by economic crises. Very often, the weaker members of the urban agglomerates fell prey to daunting survival challenges. That was the case with all the members of society who for some reason had no place in the traditional family framework, as was the case with single men and women, widowers and widows or orphans. Among these groups, the young and the women were those in the most precarious situation, since their presence in large anonymous metropolises was often perceived as criminal or morally questionable at best. Often driven by poverty or in need of income owing to exclusion by the charitable institutions of the time, some were forced into pilfering, pick-pocketing or prostitution.
Even though prostitution was a common feature of Early Modern ports, its perception seems to have been overemphasized by the feelings of the contemporaries. Recent studies have shown that prostitution was often a seasonal activity for most married (and not single) women and was used as to supplement their meager family incomes. These women were often forced into a position of heads of their families owing to their husbands' professions as sailors or soldiers. When their menfolk embarked on their voyages or campaigns, most women were left with part of the men's wages (usually a very small part) and a family to keep. During spring and summer, they were able to find petty jobs in the harbor or as suppliers of logistics for the ships, although autumn and winter were tough times to find a job. Those who could not apply for charity were forced into prostitution. That was certainly the case in most Dutch and English ports in the 17th and the 18th centuries. 16
With the large flow of practical and intellectual information and the tolerance that was required to keep most of this flow of information going, ports became safe havens for regional and foreign scholars, intellectuals, clergymen and merchant communities forced to leave their native lands because of their religious, scientific or political belief. With people thus being forced to live together in often small urban spaces, religious, cultural and social tolerance became paramount for the survival of ports as social identities, especially in matters concerning the enforcement of law and order.
Urban overcrowding was one of the many consequences of the appeal ports had for many immigrants. Although better equipped than other types of towns to survive public health problems resulting from the co-existence of large populations, very often within traditional medieval walls, ports were forced to expand to the outskirts, to create public health regulations to avoid contamination (for example, by excluding polluting industries from within the city walls), to promote poor relief (more often than not through the religious and social organizations such as the churches and guilds) and, at times, even to regulate the access of people through the gates or the harbor of the city, encouraging as a result the development of a "town spirit" through the separation of "citizens" from "non-citizens", a division not drawn by socio-economic lines, but simply by the territorial definition of who inhabited the town and for how long. 17
Unfortunately for many, public health regulations and controlled access to towns did not save Medieval, Early Modern and even Modern ports from falling victim to serious epidemics that threatened not only the livelihood of their populations but even endangered their existence per se . Although overcrowding imposed serious challenges to town councils, for ports the most dangerous threat came from the sea. The continuous arrival of foreign ships, usually seasonally bound, led to hectic periods around the docks, where surveillance was at times reduced, very weak or non-existent. This allowed the incoming of sick crews and contaminated products, often infected at the port of departure or at sea. Even though sometimes unaware of their health status, foreign ships called at healthy ports, where they stayed for as long as was needed for their business transactions, leaving behind a trail of sickness and pestilence that would quickly spread throughout the city, aided by the overcrowding conditions within the urban setting. 18
There was little that inhabitants or city councils could do to avoid the consequences of what might be called negative transactions. However, there were always some resources that could be tapped or some measures that could be taken. For the people that lived in the towns, the obvious choice when plague or disease broke out was to abandon the city for a place in the countryside, often within the jurisdiction of the city, that is to say, in the traditional hinterland. Yet this was a possibility only for those wealthy or healthy enough to be able to abandon the town and leave their activities behind without endangering their daily survival. On the other hand, abandoning the town for the countryside was also only an option as long as the countryside was immune to the spread of the disease. As soon as urban dwellers started to flood the rural areas, disease spread as quickly as if it was still confined within the city walls, leaving the healthy areas for refuge further and further away. While well-to-do individuals had the choice to leave, the less wealthy inhabitants were not able to do so. For them, the city councils had only the choice to make food and water available through regulation and to oblige religious institutions to bury the dead as soon as possible.
In order to avoid the mayhem, havoc and economic losses provoked by the spread of disease in ports, many city councils throughout Western Europe applied a set of Roman Laws as regulative measures in the case of ships that had been hit by the plague or coming from areas where the plague was reported. According to this set of laws, the city councils had the right to discriminate against ships and crews that came from certain ports or had been engaged in certain geographical areas. For those, the port was brought under a temporary embargo that was only lifted when the danger had passed (either because there were no cases of disease on board, the quarantine had been successful, or the ship had just left). Although originally used as one of the few weapons against the spread of disease, health embargoes were often used with political purposes in order to bring about the demise of economic competitors. A good example of the way this mechanism was abused was the endless embargoes imposed by Genoa on Venetian ships and vice versa, with each city trying to stimulate its own commercial endeavors in the Eastern Mediterranean to the detriment of the other.
The strong development of an idea of citizenship allied with the economic power brought by trade and manufacturing activities made most European ports places of intellectual tolerance and political autonomy. Although surviving in the context of growing centralized states, Early Modern European ports were able to negotiate their autonomous position within the political spectrum either by assuming political centrality and becoming capitals, or by re-negotiating medieval charters of privileges that regulated the political exchanges between central powers (kings) and the townsmen (often represented in well-organized city councils in which elements connected with trading and manufacturing activities sat side by side with all the other representatives of the urban social order). 19
The key functionality of European ports in general was their ability to create, develop and excel in a broad range of transactions, only possible due to the multiple gateway functions ports were able to assume within the European urban network at the time.
From local town to global player.
Even though most Early Modern ports were wealthy urban environments, not all of them attained similar prominence. The growth and success of ports seem to have followed a clear path of development, with two possible origins and one single outcome. Early Modern ports developed into major metropolises either by gaining momentum when venturing outside their traditional informal hinterland systems or by winning a competition game against their peers at local and regional level.
Ports like Venice, Seville, Lisbon and Cadiz owe their well-known status to the prominent role they played within a broader and more general movement of expansion overseas by the central states they belonged to (in the case of Venice, the city itself). Venetian expansion in the Mediterranean is all in all comparable to the Portuguese and Spanish expansions in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans . The fact that Venice, Seville, Lisbon and Cadiz were able to participate in the exchange of novelties (products, culture, information, knowledge) acquired in regions that went beyond their traditional informal hinterland systems made them pivotal centers of the known world before the mid-16th century. 20
Even if the Venetian, Portuguese and Spanish expansion overseas seems to have brought great gains to specific ports, those ports had been poor centers of regional networks, especially when compared with other contemporary ports in Northern Europe . The relatively isolated geographical situation of all of these expanding ports made them dependent on the expansion enterprise. Well aware that their fortunes depended on the success of expansion and conquest overseas, Venice, Lisbon, Seville and Cadiz were prone to support all possible attempts by the central state to augment its influence overseas, all of them becoming pawns in the political and diplomatic exchanges of the time.
The lack of steady and strong regional and trans-regional hinterlands forced the Renaissance and first large Early Modern ports to seek partners within the European context in order to survive as centers of transactions and exchanges. 21 The selection of partners involved not so much ports similar in morphology, but smaller regional ports with good hinterland and regional connections, all of them in Northern Europe. Starting with Antwerp, Amsterdam, Hamburg, the Baltic ports and London, all of them primarily regional ports with good links with their hinterlands and regions, the selection process for partnerships followed the waves of political intricacies and diplomatic agreements.
In order to have a chance to engage with a major southern European partner, most northern European ports had to fight their regional competitors in order to prevail as the main candidates for partnership. This was certainly the case when Antwerp surpassed Bruges and Amsterdam left Middleburg, Flushing , Hoorn or Enkhuizen behind. Hamburg was able to beat most of its Northern German and Baltic rivals, and London became the foremost port of the British Isles .
This regional competition, contrary to the expansion methods of the Southern European ports, was fuelled by offering advantages to partners so that they might engage in transactions with an advantageous starting-point. One of the mechanisms used by Northern European ports to attract the exchanges with Southern European partners was creating a set of privileges for products, people and ideas imported from those partners, either by the establishment of factories (as was the case with the Portuguese factory of Antwerp) or by issuing charters of privileges (as was the case with the Venetian traders in London). 22 These mechanisms helped Northern European ports to become the centers of monopolist practices, whose main goal was to control the redistribution networks (formal and informal) of products, people and ideas.
This clear movement of port centrality from the Southern (Mediterranean) into the Northern (mostly Atlantic) European complex has been well documented and explored by Fernand Braudel (1902–1985) and others. 23 They argue that there was a clear shift from the Mediterranean to the Northern European Atlantic axis that left most of the pioneering ports of European expansion overseas as peripheral junior partners to large upcoming Northern gateways that were successfully able to combine an inter-continental centrality of informal networks with regional and hinterland prominence within a context of sharp regional competition.
The reallocation of port centrality from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic axis had still further consequences that went beyond the importance of ports as gateways. This shift meant that the importing of products, people, ideas and fashions moved northwards, creating the development of a new set of economic, social and cultural values aided, as Max Weber (1864–1920) would argue, by the religious divide initiated by the Reformation and Counter-Reformation. 24 This general split within the European port system initiated during the 16th century is to be blamed for what many consider the root of the "tiny divergence" (and some would even call it "retardation") between Southern and Northern European countries still to be felt within the European Union nowadays. 25
Conclusões
Ports were important urban elements in the map of Early Modern Europe. They were the most successful cities of the time, achieving that status by engaging in a whole range of economic, social and cultural transactions that marked their functionality within a certain region. Although the most important ports during the Renaissance period and the 16th century were mainly mono-functional, drawing most of their prominence from their participation in the central state's expansion overseas, the ports of late 16th, 17th and 18th centuries were major gateways for products, people and ideas that were exchanged throughout the world.
The importance of global gateways like Amsterdam or London can be ascribed to their ability to ally a regional role with a trans-continental one, which gave them the capacity to excel as focal nodes within hinterland systems, regional networks and intercontinental exchanges. These metropolises were the engine behind a general shift from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic axis, whereby North Western Europe acquired a different social, political, economic, cultural and religious development from that of Southern Europe, thus creating a division noticeable until today.
Cátia Antunes , Leiden.
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Global Interactions in the Early Modern Age, 1400–1800.
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